A social problem is any condition or behavior that has negative consequences for large numbers of people and that is generally recognized as a condition or behavior that needs to be addressed systemically. It cannot be solved by an individual; institutional or societal responses are needed. This definition has both an objective component and a subjective component.

The objective component is this: for any condition or behavior to be considered a social problem, it must have negative consequences for large numbers of people. How do we know if a social problem has negative consequences? Reasonable people can disagree on whether such consequences exist and on the seriousness of consequences, but a body of data accumulates—from academic researchers, government agencies, and other sources—that strongly points to extensive consequences.

Consider, for example, the case of climate change, defined as changes in the earth’s climate due to the buildup of greenhouse gasses in the atmosphere. Although the majority of climate scientists say that climate change is real and serious, the percentage of Americans who agree with scientists is lower. In a 2011 poll, 64% said they “think that global warming is happening” (Leiserowitz et al., 2011). While the majority of Americans believe in 2020 that climate change is a social problem (Tyson & Kennedy, 2020), there is still a discrepancy between the scientific community and the public’s view. Social identity and location influence viewpoints, according to Gallup polls that have found that people in the west and northeast (McCarthy, 2019), as well as younger adults (Reinhart, 2018), are more likely to believe that climate change is at least partially caused by human behavior and needs to be addressed.

This type of dispute points to the subjective component: there must be a perception that the condition or behavior needs to be addressed for it to be considered a social problem and that viewpoint can change over time and location. This component lies at the heart of the social constructionist view of social problems (Rubington & Weinberg, 2010). In this view, many types of negative conditions and behaviors exist. Many of these are considered sufficiently negative to acquire the status of a social problem; some do not receive this consideration and thus do not become a social problem; and some become considered a social problem only if citizens, policymakers, or other parties call attention to the condition or behavior.

The history of attention given to rape and sexual assault in the United States before and after the 1970s provides an example of this latter situation as shown in Figure 2.17. Acts of sexual violence against women are not a new occurrence and certainly were common in the United States before the 1970s. Although men were sometimes arrested and prosecuted for rape and sexual assault, sexual violence was otherwise ignored by legal policymakers and received little attention in college textbooks and the news media, and many people thought that rape and sexual assault were just something that happened (Allison & Wrightsman, 1993). Thus, although sexual violence existed, it was not considered a social problem. When the contemporary women’s movement began in the late 1970s, it soon focused on rape and sexual assault as serious crimes and as manifestations of women’s inequality. Thanks to this focus, rape and sexual assault eventually entered the public consciousness, views of these crimes began to change, and legal policymakers began to give them more attention. In short, sexual violence against women became a social problem.

Figure 2.17. Before the 1970s, rape and sexual assault certainly existed and were very common, but they were generally ignored and not considered a social problem. When the contemporary women’s movement arose during the 1970s, it focused on sexual violence against women and turned this behavior into a social problem.

The changing view of rape reflects the social constructionist nature of social problems. It also reflects the dynamic in which men have held more power to shape societal views. This raises an interesting question: When is a social problem a social problem? According to some sociologists who adopt this view, negative conditions and behaviors are not a social problem unless they are recognized as such by policymakers, large numbers of lay citizens, or other segments of our society as shown in Figure 2.18; these sociologists would thus say that rape and sexual assault before the 1970s were not social problems because our society as a whole paid them little attention. Other sociologists say that negative conditions and behaviors should be considered a social problem even if they receive little or no attention; these sociologists would thus say that rape and sexual assault before the 1970s were social problems.

Figure 2.18. A social problem emerges when a social change group successfully calls attention to a condition. Protests like the one pictured here raise the environmental consciousness of Americans and help put pressure on businesses to be environmentally responsible.

The Sociological Imagination and Social Problems

Many individuals experience one or more social problems personally. For example, many people are poor and unemployed; many are in poor health; and many have family problems, drink too much alcohol, or commit crimes. When we hear about these individuals, it is easy to think that their problems are theirs alone and that they and other individuals with the same problems are entirely to blame for their difficulties.

Sociology takes a different approach, as it stresses that individual problems are often rooted in problems stemming from aspects of society itself. Personal troubles refer to a problem affecting individuals that the affected individual, as well as other members of society, typically blames on the individual’s own personal and moral failings. Examples include such different problems as eating disorders, divorce, and unemployment. Problems in society thus help account for problems that many individuals experience. Mills felt that many problems ordinarily considered private troubles are best understood as social problems, and he coined the term “sociological imagination” to refer to the ability to appreciate the structural basis for individual problems.

Let’s use our sociological imaginations to understand a contemporary social problem: eating disorders. Society often views eating disorders as a lifestyle choice rather than a social problem. This belief neglects the larger social and cultural forces that help explain such disorders. For example, most Americans with eating disorders are women, not men. This gender difference forces us to ask what it is about being a woman in American society that makes eating disorders more common. Let’s look at the standard of beauty for women that emphasizes a slender body (Boyd et al., 2011). If this cultural standard did not exist, would fewer American women suffer from eating disorders than do now? Studies have shown that young women are at higher risk of developing eating disorders if they’ve internalized cultural expectations of thinness and perfection (Izydorczyk & Sitnik-Warchulska, 2018). Viewed in this way, eating disorders are best understood as a public issue, not as a personal trouble.

To help us understand a “blaming the victim” ideology, let’s consider why children from low-income, under-resourced urban areas often learn very little in their schools. According to psychologist William Ryan, a “blaming the victim” approach would say the children’s parents do not care about their learning, fail to teach them good study habits, and do not encourage them to take school seriously (Ryan, 1976). This type of explanation, he wrote, may apply to some parents, but it ignores a much more important reason: the sad shape of America’s urban schools, which, he said, are overcrowded, decrepit structures housing old textbooks and out-of-date equipment. To improve the schooling of children in urban areas, he wrote, we must improve the schools themselves, and not just try to “improve” the parents.

As this example suggests, a “blaming the victim” approach points to solutions to social problems such as poverty and illiteracy that are very different from those suggested by a more structural approach that blames the system. If we blame the victim, we would spend our limited dollars to address the personal failings of individuals who suffer from poverty, illiteracy, poor health, eating disorders, and other difficulties. If instead we blame the system, we would focus our attention on the various social conditions (decrepit schools, cultural standards of female beauty, and the like) that account for these difficulties. A sociological understanding suggests that the latter approach is ultimately needed to help us deal successfully with the social problems facing us today.

Licenses and Attributions for What Is a Social Problem?

Open Content, Shared Previously

“What Is a Social Problem?” and “The Sociological Imagination” are adapted from “What is a Social Problem” and “Sociological Perspectives on Social Problems” by Anonymous. License: CC BY-NC-SA 4.0. Adaptations: edited for clarity.

Figure 2.17. “Placards at the Rally to Take Rape Seriously” by Women’s ENews. License: CC BY 2.0.

Figure 2.18. “Financing Climate Change” by Visible Hand. License: CC BY 2.0.

References

Allison, J. A., & Wrightsman, L. S. (1993). Rape: The misunderstood crime. Sage Publications, Inc.

Boyd, E. R., & Moncrieff-Boyd, J. (2011). Swimsuit issues: promoting positive body image in young women’s magazines. Health promotion journal of Australia : official journal of Australian Association of Health Promotion Professionals, 22(2), 102–106. https://doi.org/10.1071/he11102

Izydorczyk, B. (2018). Sociocultural Appearance Standards and Risk Factors for Eating Disorders in Adolescents and Women of Various Ages. Frontiers in Psychology, 9, 329735. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2018.00429

Leiserowitz, A., Smith, N. & Marlon, J. R. (2011). American teens’ knowledge of climate change. Yale University. New Haven, CT: Yale Project on Climate Change Communication. http://environment.yale.edu/uploads/american-teens-knowledge-of-climate-change.pdf

McCarthy, J. (2019). Climate Change Concerns Higher in the Northeast, West U.S. Gallup News. https://news.gallup.com/poll/248963/climate-change-concerns-higher-northeast-west.aspx

Reinhart, R. J. (2018, May 11). Global Warming Age Gap: Younger Americans Most Worried. Gallup News. https://news.gallup.com/poll/234314/global-warming-age-gap-younger-americans-worried.aspx

Rubington, E. & Weinberg, M. (2010, February 10). The study of social problems (7th edition). Oxford University Press. ISBN: 9780199731879

Ryan, W. (2010). Blaming the Victim. Vintage.

Saad, L. (2023, April 20). A Steady Six in 10 Say Global Warming’s Effects Have Begun

Tyson, A. & Kennedy, B. (2020, June). Two-Thirds of Americans Think Government Should Do More on Climate. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/2020/06/PS_2020.06.23_government-climate_REPORT.pdf