6.6 Conclusion

This chapter has reviewed additional theoretical perspectives in criminology in two key areas: societal reaction theories (including labeling and neoclassical approaches) and developmental, life-course theories. The research shows that both approaches provide valuable insight into the causes of offending. Research shows there is some support for deterrence theory, particularly when examining the effects of actual or perceived certainty of punishment (or apprehension) on crime. However, research in the rational choice tradition suggests that informal sanctions are as important (if not moreso) than formal, legal sanctions. Developmental, life-course research suggests the importance of examining criminal behavior through a dynamic lens, looking at the onset of, persistence in, and desistance from criminal behavior at multiple life stages.

6.6.1 Application Exercises

  1. Consider the course of your own life. When were you most influenced by your parents? When were you most likely to test boundaries and break rules?
  2. Look up research on brain development and discuss how that may apply to development, life course theories.
  3. Watch the TED Talk “The Future of Criminology” by Brian Boutwell at Saint Louis University (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xbikaH4GTSo) and discuss the implications of what he is proposing as it relates to the theories discussed in this chapter.

6.6.2 Discussion Questions

  1. Deterrence and labeling theory make opposite predictions about the effect of formal sanctions on criminal behavior. How can we incorporate lessons from research on both perspectives to reduce crime?
  2. Do you believe that people who commit crimes ever change? Drawing on theories discussed in this chapter, explain why or why not.
  3. After learning about all these criminology theories in Chapters 3-6, what do you now believe is the true cause of crime?

6.6.3 Key Terms

  • Adolescence-limited offending
  • Age-crime curve
  • Desist
  • Desistance
  • Disintegrative shaming
  • General deterrence
  • Life-course persistent offending
  • Looking-glass self
  • Onset
  • Perceptual measures of punishment
  • Persistence
  • Reflected appraisals
  • Reintegrative shaming
  • Specific deterrence
  • Thoughtfully reflective decision-making (TRDM)

6.6.4 Summary

Neoclassical theories share elements of both the classical and positive schools. According to the basic ideas of deterrence theory, if punishments are certain, swift, and proportionate to crime, then individuals will be scared away from criminal offending. Deterrence comes in two forms: general and specific. Stafford and Warr (1993) reconceptualized general and specific deterrence theory using concepts such as direct (experienced) and indirect (observed) punishment and punishment avoidance. Paternoster (1987) showed that perceptions of the risk and severity of punishment may be due to personal experiences of punishment and punishment avoidance. Gary Becker (1968) argued that criminal behavior was guided by the rational consideration of costs and benefits. Cornish and Clarke (1986) argued for a distinction between criminal involvement and criminal events, a greater emphasis on situational factors surrounding the criminal incident, and more crime-specific analyses. Research shows that adolescents are unique from adults in at least three ways: (1) they have lower levels of self-control; (2) they are less likely to consider the future; and (3) they are more sensitive to external influences, such as peers or incentives. All of these factors may elevate adolescent involvement in risky behaviors such as delinquency and crime. The age-crime curve refers to the relationship between age and crime. This curve shows that crime is concentrated during adolescence and early adulthood and declines steadily throughout the adult years.

Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck gathered a variety of data on 1,000 youths from interviews with the youth, their family members, teachers, employers, neighbors, and representatives of criminal justice and the social welfare systems, in addition to archival data from police records. Marvin Wolfgang, Robert Figlio, and Thorsten Sellin (1972) examined the arrest records of 9,945 boys and found that 35% of these boys became delinquent by their eighteenth birthday. Sampson and Laub (1995) found patterns of both continuity and change among the Glueck sample. The factors that were linked to both the onset (beginning) of delinquency and desistance (end) from offending were related to the social bond. Terrie Moffit (1993) described two types of offending patterns in the population: (1) adolescence-limited and (2) life-course persistent. Traditional theories tend to focus on between-individual differences such as low levels of social control, low social bonds, association with delinquent peers, the presence of strains, and so-on. However, developmental, life-course theories examine factors both between-individuals and within-individuals. This moves the research agenda in criminology from simply asking why people do or don’t offend to more complex questions such as why offending starts, why it continues or even escalates in severity or frequency, and why it declines or slows down at different stages of the life course.

6.6.5 Resources

6.6.6 Licenses and Attributions for Conclusion

“Conclusion” by Mauri Matsuda is licensed under CC BY 4.0.

License

 Introduction to Criminology Copyright © by Taryn VanderPyl. All Rights Reserved.

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