In the previous section we examined the implications of family routines for family wellbeing. In this section, we will discuss the differences between routines and rituals, the importance of rituals and traditions for families, and case studies that describe important life events and transitions.

What are the differences between routines and rituals? When families attribute significance and meaning to routines, especially those that promote family cohesion and family identity, routines can become rituals. As previously discussed, family routines are the predictable, repeated consistent patterns that characterize daily home life. In contrast, family rituals are “compelling and bounded behaviors with symbolic meanings that can be clearly described and serve to organize and affirm central family ideas” (Steinglass et al., 1987, as cited in Denham, 2003).

Figure 5.3 provides a comparison of family rituals and family routines. Family routines and rituals overlap in many ways with respect to their meanings, associations, ways they are initiated, and meaning. Routines tend to be tied to everyday life, whereas rituals tend to be carried out in association with extraordinary events, those that surpass quotidian life. Additionally, family routines may not hold special meaning or symbolic significance.

Figure 5.3. Comparison of Family Rituals and Family Routines. For more detail about the elements in family routines and family rituals, consult Appendix B. Figure 5.3 Image Description

Routines and rituals build a sense of belonging, family cohesion, and family identity. While family routines can be supportive for families, they can be disruptive if they are too rigid or chaotic, require too much time or energy, lead to conflicts among family members, or contribute to family members resenting each other (Fiese, 2007). Figure 5.4 provides a summary of the supportive or disruptive elements of family routines and rituals.

Figure 5.4. Supportive and Disruptive Elements of Routines and Rituals. (Adapted from Fiese, 2006). Figure 5.4 Image Description

Family routines can become rituals when symbolic meaning is attached to the activity. Ritual meanings can become disruptive to families, however, if family members feel alienated or excluded, if they are cut off from emotional expression during the ritual, or if they feel coerced at any point during the ritual (Fiese, 2007). The disruption of family rituals can be more impactful than the disruption of family routines. This is because the disruption of family rituals can erode group cohesion for the family. In contrast, a disruption of family routine may be easily corrected. A regular disruption of routines, however, can be harmful because it contributes to an accumulation of stress beyond what the family can handle (Harrist et al., 2019).

5.3.2 Rituals Related to Life Transitions

Many cultures and societies practice rites of passage. A rite of passage can be a ritual or celebration that marks the passage when a person leaves one status, role, conditions, or group to enter another. Rituals and celebrations that mark a rite of passage are typically performed within a community setting are community-created and community-directed. The rite can be a public affirmation of shared values and beliefs, such as a marriage ceremony, or can promote community identity and cohesion, such as a powwow. Rites of passage can guide a person’s transition into a new role, status, or phase, as seen in a commencement ceremony to mark a person’s completion of high school. Anthropological records show that humans have practiced rites of passage for thousands of years, in many different forms, and across all cultures.

Rites of passage have three phases: separation, transition, and incorporation. These three stages were first described by French anthropologist Arnold van Gennep who considered rites of passage a series of phases, rather than a single event.

The first phase is separation, in which people withdraw from their current status and prepare to move from one place or status to another. During separation, people detach from their former selves through symbolic actions and rituals. For example, when a civilian joins the army, they cut their hair to signal they are “cutting away” the former self.

The second phase is transition, also known as the liminal phase. It is the period between stages during which one has left one place or state but has not yet entered or joined the next. For example, high school seniors eagerly waiting to be handed their high school diploma are in between being a student and having graduated.

The third phase is incorporation, or reaggregation. Once the ritual is completed, the individual assumes their new identity and re-enters society. Often this phase is characterized by rituals and ceremonies, such debutante balls and college graduations. Often, people use outward symbols to represent this change. For example, a person who has just gotten married might wear a wedding ring on their left hand as a tangible sign of being married.

In the following section, we highlight a few case studies of how families in the United States celebrate rites of passage that are common for human experiences. The examples described below represent a minuscule fraction of the ways in which individuals, families, and communities practice rites of passage.

5.3.2.1 Birth/Family Formation

Birth is the beginning of a new life and therefore a unique life event, and rituals can be a key part of marking and celebrating such an event (Wojtkowiak, 2020). Similar to other life passages (such as adulthood, marriage or death), considering birth as a social transition means that the pre-status or social order is temporally in a state of liminality, or a space of transition and a status of being in-between two spaces or statuses. Parents-to-be are preparing mentally, materially or even spiritually for the coming of their child and the transition into becoming parents. Family members and friends are searching for their new roles in the life of this new human being. Experiencing the birth of a baby can be related to feelings of happiness and joy, as well as ambiguity and uncertainty. The coming of a new member of society has been traditionally marked by rituals. Birth is therefore understood as the first rite of passage in a human life (Van Gennep, 1960).

Rituals and ceremonies performed around the time of birth serve as celebrations to mark the occasion. Rituals can also help parents transition into new roles, as well as establish relationships of care, support, and responsibility within a community of friends and family. In this section, we will look at examples of “blessingway” ceremonies, and secular naming ceremonies.

“Blessingway” ceremonies, or “mother’s blessing” is inspired by the traditional Native American Navajo blessingway ceremony (Biddle, 1996). Traditional blessingway ceremonies consist of singing, chanting and sharing stories to wish beauty, good and harmony to the mother-to-be. The songs and stories are shared during pregnancy and childbirth. The singer, who is a traditional medicine man, performs the songs. The songs and stories are important for the mother-to-be and shape her view of childbirth and family life. Through the chants the woman is spiritually connected to her ancestors and the past and future (Biddle, 1996). A modern mother’s blessing is described as a “celebration of a woman’s transition into motherhood that’s rooted in Navajo culture. It is a spiritual gathering of the woman’s closest friends and family who come to nurture the mama-to-be with wise words, positivity, art and pampering.” During a mother’s blessing the mother is blessed by other significant women before the baby is born. Most of the time, the other participants are her mother (in law), sister(s), aunts and friends. However, variations are possible and sometimes men are also present.

Naming or welcoming ceremonies for babies, inspired by traditional baptism, is a re-invented way of welcoming the baby into one’s community. It is practiced as an alternative to a traditional, religious baptism. The motivation for a baby naming ceremony is for parents/caregivers to have a ceremony that brings together friends and family, to celebrate one of life’s key milestones. Naming ceremonies are ideal for families who want to mark the occasion in a way that isn’t religious. A naming ceremony is personalized and uniquely created for each family, and can last between 20 to 60 minutes. Parents and other significant others can, for instance, state their hopes and wishes for the baby. “Wishes for a Child” by Joanna Miller is an example of a poem for a naming ceremony, and it appears here with other poems. Music and readings can also be part of the ceremony. Some physical symbols might be given to the baby, such as for guidance or something that the child can open or read later in her life. “Guideparents” might be presented to the community and they can also express their wishes to the baby. As this ritual is individually crafted for each family, the location, length, content and other ritual elements are chosen for the occasion.

5.3.2.2 Entry into Adulthood

Coming of age rituals are the rituals, ceremonies, or traditions that mark the leaving behind of childhood or adolescence, and the entry into adulthood, maturity, or increased level of responsibility and duties. Many times a coming of age ritual is rooted in religious tradition, such as a Bar and Bat Mitzvah in Judaism, or the Sacrament of Confirmation in Catholicism. Secular coming of age practices can include getting one’s driver’s license, Débutante balls, high school senior prom, and graduation.

We will do an extended exploration of quinceañeras, an important coming of age celebration among girls in some Latinx families.

If you would like to explore coming of age rituals in more depth, this TED Talk explores historic and modern important rites of passage, and how they can help young teens understand what it means to become an adult, by teaching life skills and reinforcing character traits and values. From a parent’s point of view, watching a youth grow into maturity and take on the roles, responsibilities, and risks of adulthood can be both exciting and frightening, as the parent struggles with letting their child have more autonomy, while also fearing for their child’s wellbeing and safety. In this TED Talk, Marc Bamuthi Joseph shares a Black father’s tender and wrenching internal reflection on the pride and terror of seeing his son enter adulthood.

5.3.3.1 Components of a Quinceañera Celebration

The exact origins of the quinceañera are somewhat unclear, though the tradition is thought to have its roots in the Spanish court dances of Europe, and coming-of-age rituals among pre-Columbian communities (Cantú, 1999). quinceañeras are a blending or hybridization of the pageantry European court rituals and Indigenous cultural mixture (Erevia, 1992). Although there are many variations in quinceañeras, there are three key elements that are generally present in most quinceañeras in the United States and Latin America–a dress, Catholic mass (or Protestant church service), and a party or reception following the religious ceremony. The quinceañera’s dress, such as the one shown in Figure 5.6, is typically a focal point of the entire event, and is traditionally reminiscent of a floor-length, puffy ball gown or fairy tale princess dress. But, some girls may choose more modern formal dresses. The color may vary, from white or pastel colors, to bright, vibrant colors and patterns. (The pictures included in this section provide a small sampling of variations in the dresses).

Figure 5.6. “quinceañera. Santa Fe.”

The religious ceremony typically includes a procession to the church, consisting of the girl, her parents, and her corte, or court, of young women (damas or female attendants) and young men (chambelanes or escorts). Traditionally, the court would also include a dama de honor (female attendant of honor) a chambelán. de honor (male escort of honor). The damas usually wear formal dresses in similar hue as the quinceañera’s dress, while the chambelanes would wear tuxedos. The dama and a chambelán de honor typically wear a somewhat distinct outfit from the rest of the court, to indicate their distinguished status. During the mass, such as the one shown in Figure 5.7, the teenager prays to “renew her baptismal commitment, strengthen her faith, to ask for a blessing as she enters a new stage in life, to give thanks for arriving at the age of fifteen, and to honor her parents” (Davalos 1996, p. 109). In Mexican or Mexican American families, the girl might also pray a special devotion to Our Lady of Guadalupe, the patron saint of Mexico. Many girls receive a rosary and/or a prayer book that was blessed by the priest during the mass.

Figure 5.7. Two quinceañeras at Catholic mass.

After the religious ceremony, a reception usually follows in a rented banquet hall, church hall, or the family’s home. Among more affluent families, the girl and her court might be transported in a limousine from the church to the reception. The reception can consist of several phases, and typically has many more attendees than the religious ceremony. Sometimes a full supper is provided. Once the guests have been seated, the girl and her court perform a choreographed waltz, followed by baile sorpresa,, a surprise dance, such as a choreographed dance to modern music that is popular among youth. The group dance can be followed by the girl’s first dance with her father, or the chambelan de honor, signifying her newly acquired permission to dance with young men. Another common component is the changing of the girl’s flat shoes to high heels, to represent her transition into adulthood. Also, she may be presented with the “last doll,” to signify leaving behind the toys of childhood.

[This video provides an example of the quinceañera (wearing a tiara) and her full court performing the choreographed surprise dance at a party in Dallas, Texas. The dance consists of multiple genres of music, transitions and different configurations, as well as the chambelanes showing off their footwork towards the end of the video. About midway through the dance, the quinceañera is lifted up and carried by some of the chambelanes.]

After the choreographed dances are completed, an elaborate cake, such as the one shown in Figure 5.8, comparable to a wedding cake, is served to the guests. There might be live music played by a hired band, or a DJ with a sound system and lights, similar to a dance club. The band or DJ would play dance music for all the guests to dance, including songs the guests and the court members request. Aside from playing traditional musical genres such as banda, norteña, ranchera, cumbia, quebradita, salsa, and merengue, it is very common for the youth to request hip-hop, pop, and reggaeton. At the end of the quinceañera, the guests can take home recuerdos, or souvenirs, from the event, such as table decorations or cloth napkins embroidered with the girl’s name, the date of the party, and the words Mi quinceañera, or “my quinceañera.”

Figure 5.8. “quinceañera Cake.”

Put together, all these components can create a grand expense. Traditionally families would utilize a system of compadrazgo, a system of financial sponsorship, with its origins in Mexico (Gonzalez-Martin, 2020). For example, the girl’s parents might ask an uncle to be the padrino (literally, the god-father/sponsor) of the cake, or ask an aunt to be the madrina (literally, the god-mother/sponsor) of the last doll. The use of compadrazgo affirms relationships of responsibility, duty, and moral obligation among the family.

5.3.3.2 Meanings and Interpretations

There are many critiques and interpretations of the quinceañera as a ritual, and the smaller rituals that make up the practice. That is, “meaning is made through the process of donning a gown, striding down the church aisles, and enacting a series of smaller, internal rituals that create a recognizable quinceañera event” (Gonzalez-Martin, 2020, p 145). The quinceañera can affirm or establish social status by demonstrating the family’s capacity to pay for a large, lavish, and expensive event (Horowitz, 1993). Some criticize the practice, questioning why families would spend such a large quantity of money on the party. Others have noted that girls who are heavily involved with planning the quinceañera tend to be more connected to their family, cultural beliefs and practices, which can protect against depression and risky behaviors (Alvarez, 2007). Quinceañeras can serve as cultural markers and events that support family and community cohesion. The quinceañera ceremony in the United States can be a way for a family to assert its “Mexicanness” against a backdrop of Anglo influence (Horowitz, 1993). While quinceañeras draw from traditions rooted in the past, participants in the event can incorporate new practices, or variations of traditions, as an adaptation and affirmation of cultural identity.

Figure 5.9. “Mis Quince.”

Other criticisms of quinceañeras is that the coming of age ritual can be interpreted as a public display that “the young woman is no longer a child and that she is available for courtship” (Horowitz, 1993, p. 275). quinceañeras have been compared to a rehearsal wedding, “[sending] a clear message to the Latina girl: We expect you to get married, have children, devote yourself to your family” (Alvarez, 2007, p. 56). Moreover, the quinceañera is very clearly a heteronormative Christian tradition, with aspects of exaggerated femininity with the dress, dances, and other components. For some girls, such as girls in the LGBTQ+ community, the quinceañera can be the epitome of everything young women want to escape from within their families. The clothing style and the girl’s performance can represent obedience, adherence to heterosexuality, and chastity (Gonzalez-Martin, 2020). Regardless of how the quinceañera ritual is perceived and interpreted, it is a vibrant expression of “Latinidad,” or sense of one’s Latino cultural identity, and a way to stay connected with one’s cultural roots (Davalos, 1996).

A unique perspective is that quinceañeras provide an opportunity for Latina girls to express themselves, have decision-making power and agency, and that the process of planning and executing the components of the quinceañera can be empowering. The girl may be able to choose the color and style of her dress, which is a central piece and sets the tone for the entire event, as her court of honor will be dressed in a similar style and color as her quinceañera dress (Gonzalez-Martin, 2020). The gown serves as a focal point of the whole event, “drawing in the gaze of audience members as the young woman embodies womanhood by donning the ornate and often expensive dress in the context of dance and public performance” (Gonzalez-Martin, 2020, p. 149). A family can attend expos where hundreds of dresses are on display, and where vendors sell everything from pre-choreographed dance routines and digital photography packages, to digitally-printed, deluxe invitations. Girls can turn to hundreds of websites, YouTube videos, social media accounts, and even quinceañera Magazine to find ideas and inspiration about themes, color schemes, ideas for recuerdos and entertainment, makeup and hairstyles, types of tiaras, and tips about the best undergarments to wear for a strapless ball gown. Thus in choosing the dress, the quinceañera influences all other aspects of the event. The girl also can decide what songs she wants to include in the performance and who she wants on her court. Latina girls planning modern quinceañeras can find themselves overwhelmed with the array of choices and opportunities to assert their own creativity within the traditional rituals, and express their personality through their choices.

5.3.3.3 Union Formation/Marriage

The chapter about love and union formation of this book, describes different types of unions, marriages, partnerships, and relationships that may have mixed legal, religious, or community acceptance. In this section we present a few examples of marriage and union formation rituals practiced by families in the United States. Union formations have been practiced by cultures and societies around the world for millennia. The video “The history of marriage” provides a succinct introduction to marriage practices around the world, such as polygamy, a marriage form permitting more than one spouse at the same time.

“Jumping the broom” is a marriage tradition that some African American couples practice. The tradition was mainly practiced by enslaved couples, who did not have access to the legal right of marriage due to the rampant racial discrimination that existed in the institution of chattel slavery. A couple would publicly proclaim their commitment and devotion to each other, sometimes with a priest/minister or the enslaver officiating the ceremony.

Variations of the practice could involve the couple jumping over a broom placed sideways, jumping over two brooms. The broom could be held up, or placed on the ground, and the couple could jump or step over the broom at the same time, or one person at a time (Dundes, 1996).

The ritual typically was regarded as a binding agreement for the couple, potentially to the extent that it was legally recognized.

While the origin of the practice is unclear, some scholars suggest brooms were symbolic in wedding rituals in Africa, and thus were incorporated into wedding traditions of enslaved people in the United States during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Dundes, 1996). Other researchers suggest the practice originated in the British Isles (Parry, 2020).

In contemporary weddings, couples may choose to incorporate jumping the broom into their wedding ceremony. This practice could typically occur towards the end of a wedding ceremony, when the couple have exchanged their vows in front of a room filled with friends, family, and loved ones, as the last step in culminating the wedding ceremony. A broom would be placed on the ground in front of the couple, facing the guests, and a speaker would describe the origins of the practice and what the practice symbolizes for the new couple.

For example, in a video excerpt of a couple’s ceremony, we can see a couple standing in front of the broom, while the officiate speaks to the guests:

“We now end this ceremony with the African tradition of jumping the broom. Slaves in this country were not permitted to marry, so they jumped the broom as a way to [demonstrate] unity. Today it represents great joy, and at the same time serves as a reminder of the past and the pain of slavery. As our bride and groom jump the broom, they physically and spiritually cross the threshold of the path of matrimony…in making their home together. It represents the sweeping away of the old, and welcoming the new. The sweeping away of negative energy, making the way for all things good to come into their lives. It is also a call of support for the marriage from the entire community of family and friends. The bride and groom will now begin their new lives together with a clean sweep.”

Then, the speaker asks the guests to stand and count to 3, upon which the couple hop over the broom together, while the guests erupt into cheers and applause.

5.3.3.4 Death and Bereavement

Death and bereavement, or mourning the passing of a loved one, can be very difficult topics to discuss. The passing of a loved one can be a time of great sadness, but also joy in celebrating a person’s life and legacy. Rituals can provide opportunities to mourn the passing of a loved one, and for friends and family to gather and comfort one another. In this section we will look at the example of bereavement practices among Asian Indian American Hindus, residing in the southern region of the US.

Beliefs about the end of life, and the meaning of death as a transition to another ife, can help people feel less anxiety about death (Chopra, 2006). Ethnicity can provide a cultural system to make sense of the world, including suffering and loss (Gupta, 2011). Asian Indian American Hindus (AIAH) interviewed by Gupta (2011) accessed their cultural and religious beliefs to help them make sense of death and loss, as well as provide comfort in mourning practices. In focus groups Gupta conducted with AIAH, individuals discussed their traditional beliefs and practices, and described how death and bereavement is approached in India as opposed to the US. The AIAH strives to adhere to their religious and cultural practices as much as possible, within the resources available to them in the US. Gupta (2011) noted that the death rituals and customs followed include “delivering a eulogy, embalming at Hindu funerals, a 1- to 2-day mourning period instead of 13 days, donation of the body to science instead of cremation, and allowing the funeral home to perform the cleansing of the deceased instead of the son” (p. 257).

Despite the majority of Hindus in India believing that life-prolonging means interfere with the cycle of life and death, in the United States some Hindus have utilized artificial means to prolong life, such as a respirator. Some Hindus in the United States follow pre- and post-death rituals, whereas others do not. In India widows are expected to wear white saris, and refrain from wearing makeup or jewelry for the remainder of their lives, as a sign of mourning. But, in India as well as the US, this custom is changing, with widows in the United States wearing colors that do not disrupt them blending into the workforce (Gupta, 2011).

The variation in adherence to practices may vary according to the degree of one’s acculturation, place of birth, religious orientation, and availability of priests and temples. The AIAH seniors Gupta interviewed stated that they were not afraid of death, but were concerned about getting very sick and becoming a burden for their adult children. They were not too concerned, however, about their adult children’s ability to carry out rituals and customs that the seniors had performed for their own parents in India, as the adult children would follow the guidance and recommendations of the priest at their respective places or religious gatherings (Gupta, 2011).

5.3.4 Legal and Structural Overlap with Traditions and Rituals

Sometimes family rituals and traditions clash with legal and/or structural aspects of the larger culture. One such clash in the United States has been same-sex marriage. The reasons people marry vary widely, but usually include the desire to publicly and formally declare their love, to form a single household unit, to legitimize sexual relations and procreation, for social and economic stability, and for the education and nurturing of children. A marriage can be declared by a wedding ceremony, which may be performed either by a religious officiant or through a similar government-sanctioned secular process. The act of marriage creates obligations between the individuals involved, and, in some societies, between the parties’ extended families.

Same-sex marriage was not fully recognized as a legal bond and was limited in many U.S. stages until 2015 when the Supreme Court struck down the Defense of Marriage Act.(DOMA). Many same-sex couples followed common cultural practices to publicly proclaim their love for and commitment to a partner. These enactments of commitment often followed the dominant cultural scripts of weddings and marriage quite closely, despite that many same-sex couples would face exclusion from the legal institution of marriage (Hull, 2006).

Another example of how traditions and rituals can clash with structural processes in the United States is that of the observance of religious holidays. For example, many schools, places of business, and government offices close for Christmas, a Christian holiday, celebrated annually on December 25th. In contrast, the same is not necessarily true for non-Christian holidays. Individuals who observe Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur, the High Holy Days of the Jewish year, may have to request time off from work or school. Similarly, people who observe Ramadan, a sacred period of spiritual reflection for Muslim communities, may have difficulty adapting their work or academic responsibilities that can conflict with celebrations associated with Ramadan, such fasting during the day.

5.3.6 References

Alvarez, J. 2007. Once upon a Quinceañera: Coming of Age in the USA. New York NY: Viking.

Biddle, Jeanette M. 1996. The Blessingway: A Woman’s Birth Ritual. Master’s Thesis, Oregon State University, Corvallis, OR, USA.

Cantú, N. 1999. La Quinceañera: Towards an ethnographic analysis of a life cycle ritual. Southern Folklore 56(1): 73–101.

Chopra, D. (2006). Life after death: The burden of proof. New York, NY: Harmony Books.

DAVALOS. (1996). “La Quinceañera”: Making Gender and Ethnic Identities. Frontiers (Boulder), 16(2/3), 101–127. https://doi.org/10.2307/3346805

Denham, S.A.(1995).Family routines: A Construct for considering family health. Holistic Nursing Practice, 9(4), 1123. Retrievedfrom http://journals.lww.com/hnpjournal

Dundes, A. (1996). “Jumping the Broom”: On the Origin and Meaning of an African American Wedding Custom. The Journal of American Folklore, 109 (433), 324–329. https://doi.org/10.2307/541535

Erevia, A. (1996). Quince Años: Celebrating a Tradition: A Handbook for Parish Teams. Missionary Catechists of Divine Providence. pp. 1–42.

Fiese. (2007). Routines and Rituals: Opportunities for Participation in Family Health. OTJR (Thorofare, N.J.), 27(1_suppl), 41S–49S. https://doi.org/10.1177/15394492070270S106

González-Martin, R. V. (2021). Buying the Dream: Relating “Traditional” Dress to Consumer Practices in US Quinceañeras. In Mexicana Fashions (pp. 137-157). University of Texas Press.

Gupta. (2011). Death Beliefs and Practices from an Asian Indian American Hindu Perspective. Death Studies, 35(3), 244–266. https://doi.org/10.1080/07481187.2010.518420

Harrist, A. W., Henry, C. S., Liu, C., & Morris, A. S. (2019). Family resilience: The power of rituals and routines in family adaptive systems. In B. H. Fiese, M. Celano, K. Deater-Deckard, E. N. Jouriles, & M. A. Whisman (Eds.), APA handbook of contemporary family psychology: Foundations, methods, and contemporary issues across the lifespan (pp. 223–239). American Psychological Association.

Horowitz. (1993). The Power of Ritual in a Chicano Community: A Young Woman’s Status and Expanding Family Ties. Marriage & Family Review, 19(3-4), 257–280. https://doi.org/10.1300/J002v19n03_04

Hull, K. (2006). Same-Sex Marriage: The Cultural Politics of Love and Law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511616266

Parry. (2020). Jumping the broom : the surprising multicultural origins of a black wedding ritual. The University of North Carolina Press.

Steinglass, P., Bennett, L., Wolin, S., & Reiss, D. (1987). The alcoholic family. New York: Basic Books.

Van Gennep, Arnold (1977) Vizedom, Monika B (Translator); Caffee, Gabrielle L (Translator) (1977) [1960]. The Rites Of Passage. Routledge Library Editions Anthropology And Ethnography (Paperback Reprint Ed.). Hove, East Sussex, Uk: Psychology Press. Isbn 0-7100-8744-6.

Wojtkowiak, J. (2020). Ritualizing Pregnancy and Childbirth in Secular Societies: Exploring Embodied Spirituality at the Start of Life. Religions, 11(9), 458. MDPI AG. Retrieved from http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11090458. CC BY 4.0.

Image Description for Figure 5.3:
Comparison of Family Rituals and Family Routines

Two circles intersect in a Venn diagram. One of the circles is labeled “Family Routine.” The words and phrases inside this circle are:

• Ordinary
• Functional
• Changes based on family needs and values
• Responds to stress and transitions
• Daily life

The other circle is labeled “Family Ritual,” The words and phrases inside this circle are:

• Traditional
• Intergenerational
• Relatively unchanging across life course
• Extraordinary
• Celebratory

The intersection of the two circles includes the words and phrases:

• Symbolic
• Repetitive
• Role expectations
• Structured
• Collective identity

These concepts by Monica Olvera and design by Michaela Willi Hooper, Open Oregon Educational Resources, CC BY 4.0.

[Return to Figure 5.3]

Image Description for Figure 5.4:
Supportive and Disruptive Elements of Routines and Rituals

A box has four quadrants, providing a summary of the supportive or disruptive elements of family routines and rituals. Arrows point both directions on the horizontal axis, which is labeled Disruptive in one direction and Supportive in another. The vertical axis does not have arrows but is labeled Ritual Meanings and Routine Activities. Below is a table representing the categories in the image

Table from Fiese, B. H. (2006), Family routines and rituals, New Haven : Yale University Press, is included under fair use.

[Return to Figure 5.3]